Executive Summary
This assessment analyses the potential for joint US–Colombia aerial kinetic operations, referred to in a military context as aerial actions designed to cause physical damage and achieve targeted precision outcomes, as part of a broader counterterrorism strategy targeting Colombia’s narco-terrorist organisations and armed groups. On August 12, US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth proposed the concept of joint strikes against Colombia’s armed groups, following the US acknowledgement of Colombia’s participation in a military-led counter-narcotics coalition immediately after De La Espriella’s inauguration on August 7, which marked a shift in Colombia’s security approach toward armed groups from negotiations to directly combating them. Hegseth’s strategic proposal suggests a shift in US counterterrorism strategy in Latin America from offering intelligence sharing and military training to considering direct participation in coordinating military aerial strikes against armed groups in Colombia. In this context, examining past successes and failures in US–allied joint kinetic operations around the world raises the question of whether joint kinetic operations can effectively disrupt narco-terrorism activity and networks in Colombia. This analysis will explore which operational strategies can strengthen counterterrorism efforts between the US and Colombia by examining the effectiveness of past US–allied multinational aerial kinetic operations.
Introduction
In 2016, Colombia’s government signed a peace agreement with Colombia’s largest armed group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), with the intention of ending hostilities between the Colombian government and FARC forces through a permanent bilateral ceasefire. This negotiation-based approach was later expanded by Petro’s “Paz Total Strategy”, which previously allowed the Colombian government to negotiate with armed groups, resulting in increased terrorist activity due to Petro’s executive leniency and lack of counterterrorism operations.
De La Espriella’s commitment to launching a military-led enforcement campaign and terminating Colombia’s previous negotiations with non-state armed groups suggests an evolution in Colombia’s security strategy, shifting from negotiations with armed groups toward military confrontation and deepening military cooperation with the US. For Colombia, the strategic objective of deepening military cooperation with the US emerged as one of De La Espriella’s highest campaign priorities, as he identified the US as Colombia’s main military ally. Specifically, the US–Colombia partnership was designed to build on counterterrorism cooperation, as De La Espriella declared plans to combat drug-trafficking organisations. Consequently, Colombia’s strategic shift aligns with the US Southern Command’s (SOUTHCOM) strategic objective of defeating narco-terrorist groups and dismantling cartel networks in the Western Hemisphere and strengthening US–Colombia security cooperation, creating an operational opportunity for joint kinetic operations to contribute to broader US regional security objectives.
Analysis
For Colombia, participating in joint kinetic operations with the US as part of an extensive counterterrorism strategy offers substantial compensation through specialised capabilities that only the US can provide, particularly through its Tomahawk missiles. Conversely, for the US, participating in joint kinetic operations with Colombia to advance SOUTHCOM’s strategic objectives provides the US with access to Colombia’s expertise and intelligence on local terrain and geography. Joint kinetic operations can also strengthen coordination across Colombia’s security institutions, from the Ministry of Defense to the Colombian Air Force and local police forces, providing the US with a broader network of localized counterterrorism units to reduce terrorist activity in Colombia. Taken together, the US and Colombia’s individual counterterrorism capabilities, when integrated through joint kinetic operations that combine Colombia’s localized intelligence with the US’ technological and aerial superiority, hold huge potential to disrupt terrorist activity and networks in Colombia.
Consequently, previous US-allied multinational operations in the Middle East and Africa help distinguish the conditions under which joint kinetic operations effectively hinder terrorist activity and networks. To be more specific, in Nigeria, US Africa Command (AFRICOM) conducted joint kinetic operations with Nigeria’s military that eliminated ISIS’s second-in-command and global operations leader, Abu-Bilal al-Minuki, along with other senior ISIS officials. These joint airstrikes in May 2026 targeted ISIS checkpoints, weapons storage facilities, logistical hubs, military equipment, and financial networks used to support ISIS operations, significantly weakening the group’s operational capabilities across West Africa. Additionally, through the joint operation by US and Israel in February 2026, which Israel stated had been planned for months with the US, resulting in the targeting and neutralisation of Iran’s Supreme Leader Khamenei. Through a close US–Israel defence partnership, the joint airstrikes demonstrated the integration of highly sophisticated US tracking systems with Israeli intelligence, illustrating how deeper military integration can enhance the effectiveness of joint kinetic counterterrorism operations. These examples from the Middle East and Africa suggest that the effectiveness of joint kinetic operations as a counterterrorism strategy depends on intelligence gathering and integrating it into airpower capabilities.
Building on previous US–allied multinational operations, Colombia’s government should capitalize on the Trump administration’s strategy of countering terrorist networks and activity in Latin America to strengthen its partnership with the US by advancing from intelligence-sharing toward military cooperation through joint kinetic operations. The August 12, 2026 signing of the “Americas Counter-Cartel Coalition,” a security initiative, along with De La Espriella’s commitment not to negotiate with armed groups, provides Colombia with a strategic opportunity to conduct joint kinetic operations with the US. This multinational opportunity can leverage Colombia’s tactical counterinsurgency training experience against irregular armed groups during the 2000s, particularly through Plan Colombia and Colombia’s Lancero School, where US Army Rangers trained Colombian military officers to target specific insurgent groups. In turn, integrating Colombia’s counterinsurgency training experience with SOUTHCOM’s precision-strike and aerial capabilities, particularly the US ability to detect narco-trafficking vessels operating in turbulent waters, conduct strikes in open waters, and neutralise terrorist targets can strengthen bilateral operations against narco-terrorism.
Conclusion
The US’ statements on the possibility of joint US–Colombia kinetic operations as a counterterrorism strategy provide a framework through which De La Espriella’s new Colombian government can strengthen military cooperation with the US and disrupt narco-terrorist activity and networks that were previously subject to negotiations under Petro’s government. Additionally, Colombia’s participation in the “Shield of the Americas,” a US-led coalition of Latin American nations supporting US hemispheric security, encourages deeper cooperation with regional partners in South America that share security interests in dismantling terrorist networks, expanding its security partnerships beyond the US. In conclusion, for US–Colombian joint kinetic operations to be more effective in fighting terrorist activity and dismantling networks in Colombia, targeted airstrikes must complement Colombia’s existing counterinsurgency capabilities by leveraging US aerial technological advantages to conduct precision strikes against terrorist targets, as demonstrated by previous US cooperation in multinational operations across the Middle East and West Africa.
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